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00100	.SEC THE PARANOID MODE
00200	.SS The Concept of Paranoia
00300		Like  ourselves,  the  ancient  Greeks  called  one   another
00400	paranoid.  The term `paranoia' (Gr.: para=beside; nous = mind) was an
00500	everyday  term  referring  to  states   of   craziness   and   mental
00600	deterioration. Then for two thousand years the term did not appear in
00700	the classifications of mental  disorders.   Historians  do  not  seem
00800	curious about what persons with persecutory delusions were called all
00900	that time. (It is doubtful that  there  weren't  any.)  In  the  18th
01000	century  the  term  reappears  in  German classifications to refer to
01100	delusional states categorized as disorders of intellect  rather  than
01200	emotion. (Lewis, 1970 ).
01300		Little agreement about the term's usuage  was  reached  until
01400	during  the present century when it achieved adjectival status, as in
01500	"paranoid personality" and "paranoid state".  At present the term  is
01600	generally  used  to  refer  to the presence of persecutory delusions.
01700	Somatic,  erotic,  grandeur  and  jealousy   delusions   are   simply
01800	identified as such without characterizing them as paranoid.
01900		To provide introductory background for the paranoid mode, let
02000	us  consider  two  sorts of human activity, one termed "ordinary" and
02100	one termed "paranoid".
02200		In  the  ordinary  mode  a  person goes about his business of
02300	everyday living in a  matter-of-fact  way.   He  deals  with  routine
02400	situations  in  his environment as they arise, taking things at their
02500	face value.  Events  proceed  in  accordance  with  his  beliefs  and
02600	expectations  and thus can be managed routinely.  Only a small amount
02700	of attention need be devoted to monitoring the environment  ,  simply
02800	checking  that everthing is as expected.     This placid ongoing flow
02900	of events can be interrupted by the the detection of signs  of  alarm
03000	or opportunity at any time. But the predominant condition is one of a
03100	steady progression of events so ordinary as to be uneventful.
03200		In  contrast to this routine ordinariness is an arousal state
03300	of emergency .      The  particular  aroused  emergency  I  shall  be
03400	considering  is  the  paranoid mode characterized by a continous wary
03500	suspiciousness. To appreciate the problems of this state, imagine the
03600	situation  of a spy in a hostile country.   To him, everyone he meets
03700	is a potential enemy, a threat to existence who must be evaluated for
03800	malevolence.    A  secret  agent  must  be  hypervigilant  and  fully
03900	mobilized  to  attack,  to  flee,  to  stalk.    In  this   situation
04000	appearances  are  not to be taken at face value as ordinary events or
04100	routine background but each must be attended to  and  interpreted  in
04200	order to detect malevolence.  Events in the environment, which in the
04300	ordinary mode would not be connected to the self, become referred  to
04400	the   self   as   potentially   menacing.    The  unintended  may  be
04500	misinterpreted  as  intended  and  the  undesigned  tends  to  become
04600	confused   with   the   designed.     Nothing  is  unattendible.  The
04700	predominant intention of the agent  is  to  detect  malevolence  from
04800	others.
04900	
05000	.SS Characteristics of Clinical Paranoias
05100		When dividing the world of experience into conceptual classes
05200	,  we  sort  and  group  together  objects  and  events  according to
05300	properties they have in common. The members of a class  resemble  one
05400	another  in  sharing  certain  properties.    The resemblance between
05500	members of a class is not exact or total.  Members  of  a  conceptual
05600	class  are  considered  more or less alike and there exist degrees of
05700	resemblance.  Humans are neither subjective nor objective;  they  are
05800	projective.    In  forming classifications, we project our intentions
05900	onto the world. Thus the world of experience consists of  interactive
06000	relations, not simply of objects isolated from human interests.
06100		Observations and classifications made by clinicians regarding
06200	paranoias   have   been   thoroughly  described  in  the  psychiatric
06300	literature.  Extensive accounts can be found in Swanson, Bohnert  and
06400	Smith  (1970)  and  in  Cameron  (1967).    I shall attempt to give a
06500	condensed description of paranoid phenomena as they appear in, or are
06600	described  by,  patients  in  a  psychiatric interview. It is many of
06700	these phenomena the model to be proposed attempts to explain.
06800	
06900		These  phenomena  can  be  summarized   under   concepts   of
07000	suspiciousness,   self-reference,   hypersensitivity,  fearfulness  ,
07100	hostility and rigidity. In turn, these class-concepts  are  taken  to
07200	represent  empirical indicators of the paranoid mode.
07300	
07400	.F Suspiciousness
07500		The main characteristic of clinical paranoid  modes  consists
07600	of  suspiciousness,  a  mistrust  of  others  based  on the patient's
07700	malevolence beliefs.      The  patient  believes  others,  known  and
07800	unknown,  have  evil intentions towards him. He is continously on the
07900	look-out for signs of malevolence  which  he  often  reads  from  the
08000	results  of  his  own  probings.  He is hypervigilant; people must be
08100	watched, their schemes unmasked and foiled.  He is  convinced  others
08200	try to bring about undesirable states in himself such as humiliation,
08300	harassment, mental subjugation, physical injury and even death.    In
08400	an  interview  he  may  report  such  beliefs  directly  or ,if he is
08500	well-guarded, he offers only hints.   He  does  not  confide  easily.
08600	Disclosure  may  depend  upon  how  the  interviewer  responds in the
08700	dialogue  to  reports   of   fluctuating   suspicions   or   absolute
08800	convictions.
08900		He is greatly concerned with "evidence". No room  is  allowed
09000	for  mistakes,  ambiguities  or chance happenings.  "Paranoids have a
09100	greater passion for the truth than other madmen "  -(Saul  Bellow  in
09200	Sammler's  Planet).   Using trivial evidential details, he leaps from
09300	the undeniable to the unbelievable.
09400		The patient may vary in his own estimate of the  strength  of
09500	his  malevolence  beliefs. If they consist of weakly-held suspicions,
09600	he may have moments of reasoning with himself in which  he  tries  to
09700	reject  them as ill-founded.  But when the beliefs represent absolute
09800	convictions, he does not struggle  to  dismiss  them.    They  become
09900	pre-conditions for countering actions against tormentors who wish and
10000	try to do him evil.  He seeks affirmation of  his  beliefs.  ("It  is
10100	certain  that  my  conviction  increases the moment another soul will
10200	believe in it." Joseph Conrad in Lord Jim.). He  wants  sympathy  and
10300	allies  in  positions  of power such as clinicians or lawyers who can
10400	help him take action.
10500		The malevolence beliefs may involve a specific  other  person
10600	or  a  conspiracy  of  others such as the Mafia, the FBI, Communists,
10700	Hell's Angels.  The patient sees himself as a victim ,one who suffers
10800	at  the  hands  of  others  rather  than  as  an agent who brings the
10900	suffering on himself.  Other agents subject him to, and make him  the
11000	object  of,  their evil intentions. He dwells on and rehearses in his
11100	mind these outrages. He schemes to defeat or escape his  adversaries.
11200	The  misdeeds  of  others  are  denounced,  desparaged, condemned and
11300	belittled. He feels interfered with and discriminated  against.   The
11400	specific content of the beliefs may not directly expressed in a first
11500	interview.     The  patient  may  be  so  mistrustful  of  how  their
11600	disclosure might be used against him that he cautiously feels his way
11700	through an  interview  offering  only  hints  which  the  experienced
11800	clinician then uses to infer the presence of persecutory delusions.
11900	
12000		Using  his  own judgements, a clinician attempts to determine
12100	whether the malevolence beliefs expressed are  true  or  false.  This
12200	determination  is  usually  not  difficult in clinical settings. Some
12300	malevolence beliefs turn out to be true.  Others are  indeed  correct
12400	estimations  on  the  part  of  the  patient but he fails to see that
12500	historically they are the consequence of his tendency to  accuse  and
12600	provoke  others  to  the point where they in fact display malevolence
12700	towards him.
12800	
12900	
13000	.F Self-Reference and Hypersensitivity
13100	
13200	
13300		The patient believes many events  in  the  world  pertain  to
13400	himself  in some negative way. Other observers find his position hard
13500	to accept. For example, he is convinced that newspaper headlines  are
13600	directed personally at him or that the statements of radio announcers
13700	contain special messages for him. Hypervigilant, he  hypersensitively
13800	reads  himself  into  situations  which  are not actually intended to
13900	pertain to him and his particular concerns.
14000	
14100		References to the self are misconstrued as slurs, slights  or
14200	unfair judgements.  He may feel he is being watched and stared at. He
14300	is excessively  concerned  about  eyes  (which  can  both  watch  and
14400	punish), cameras, telescopes ,etc.  which may be directed his way. He
14500	may feel mysteriously influenced through electricity, radio waves, or
14600	(more   contempoaneously)   by   emanations  from  computers.  He  is
14700	hypersensitive  to  criticism.    In  crowds  he   believes   he   is
14800	intentionally  bumped  and driving on the highway he feels repeatedly
14900	tail-gaited. Badgered and bombarded without relief by this stream  of
15000	wrongs , he becomes hyper-irritable, querulous and guarrelsome.
15100		He is touchy about certain topics, flaring up when references
15200	to  particular conceptual domains appear in the conversation.     For
15300	example, any remarks about his age, religion, or family,  or  sexlife
15400	may  set  him off.   Even when these domains are touched upon without
15500	reference to him, e.g. religion in general, he takes  it  personally.
15600	When  a  delusional  complex is present, linguistic terms far removed
15700	from, but still conceptually connectable to, the  complex,  stir  him
15800	up. Thus, to a man holding beliefs that the Mafia intend to harm him,
15900	any remark about Italy might lead him to react  in  a  suspicious  or
16000	fearful manner.
16100	
16200	.F Affect-States   
16300	
16400		The  major  affects expressed, both verbally and nonverbally,
16500	are those of fear, anger and mistrust. The patient fears that  others
16600	wish  to  subjugate  and  control  him. He may be fearful of physical
16700	attack and injury even to the point of death. His fear  is  justified
16800	in  his  mind by the many threats he detects in the conduct of others
16900	towards him.   He is hostile to what are interpreted as  insinuations
17000	or  demeaning  allusions. His chronic irritability becomes punctuated
17100	with outbursts of raging tirades and diatribes.  When he feels he  is
17200	being  overwhelmed, he may erupt and in desperation physically attack
17300	others.
17400		The  experienced  affects  of  fear, anger and mistrust blend
17500	with one another  in  varying  proportions  to  yield  an  unpleasant
17600	negative  affect  state  made  continuous by fantasied rehearsals and
17700	retellings of past wrongs.     Depending  on  his  interpretation  of
17800	input  from  other  people, the patient may move away from others and
17900	become guarded, secretive and evasive. Or he  may  suddenly  jump  at
18000	others   with  sarcastic  accusations  and  arguments.  His  negative
18100	affect-states become locked into self-perpetuating cycles with  other
18200	people  in  his  life  space  who  take  censoring action towards him
18300	because of his uncommunicativeness or outbursts.
18400	
18500	
18600	.F Rigidity
18700	
18800		Another empirical indicator of the paranoid mode is excessive
18900	rigidity.  The patient's beliefs in his sensitive areas remain fixed,
19000	difficult  to  influence  by  evidence  or persuasion.    The patient
19100	himself makes few  verification  attempts  which  might  falsify  his
19200	convictions.     To  change  a  belief is to admit being wrong.    To
19300	forgive others also opens a crack in the wall of righteousness.    He
19400	does  not  apologize nor accept apology.  He stubbornly follows rules
19500	to the letter and his literal interpretations  of  an  organization's
19600	regulations  can drive others wild.   It is this insistent posture of
19700	rigidity and inflexibility which  makes  the  treatment  of  paranoid
19800	processes by symbolic-semantic methods so difficult.
19900	
20000	.SS Theories of Paranoia
20100	
20200		While  paranoid  processes  represent  a  disorder  from  one
20300	standpoint, the observable regularities  of  the  disorder  imply  an
20400	underlying   nonrandom   "pathological"   order   at  another  level.
20500	Attempts to explain, to  make  intelligible,  the  order  behind  the
20600	disorder,   have  been  offered  since  antiquity.    None  of  these
20700	verbally-stated formulations have won the consensus characteristic of
20800	scientific  theories since they were neither systematic nor testable.
20900		Science   represents  a  search  for  consensible  knowledge,
21000	judgements about which agreement can  be  obtained  under  particular
21100	requirements.(Ziman,  1968).   The major requirements for a theory to
21200	reach consensus involve systemicity and testability.
21300		For a theory to be systematic, its hypotheses must cohere and
21400	not  be  isolated. They must connect with one another and collaborate
21500	in a consistent way. Each hypothesis stands as an initial  assumption
21600	or  as  a  consequence  of  one  or  more  initial  assumptions.  The
21700	consequence relation can be one of logical  or  empirical  entailment
21800	but  the  system  of hypotheses, to be consistent, should not contain
21900	contradictions.
22000		For  a  theory  to  be  testable,  it  must  be  sensitive to
22100	empirical data which can strenghten or weaken its acceptability. Each
22200	hypothesis  in  the  theory  need  not  be  directly or independently
22300	testable.   But the theory as a conjunction  of  hypotheses  must  be
22400	brought  into contact with data of observation, if not directly, then
22500	indirectly, through a translation process in which a  consequence  of
22600	the theory can be compared with observational evidence.
22700		Previous theories of  paranoia  can  be  criticized  for  not
22800	satisfying  these  requirements  of systemicity and testability.  The
22900	model to be presented fulfills these requirements. When theories  are
23000	presented  in  literary  form  it  is  difficult  to  know  what such
23100	formulations imply or whether the implications are consistent. If  we
23200	seek  validation,  they  do not tell us what we are supposed to do in
23300	order  to  replicate  the  experience  of  their  authors.     If   a
23400	formulation  is  untestable,  the  issues  it raises are undecidable,
23500	unsettleable and consensus cannot be reached.
23600	
23700		Theories stem from two sources, (1) from hypotheses suggested
23800	by new descriptions (revisualizations) of  the  phenomena  themselves
23900	and  (2)  from modifications of a legacy of previous theories serving
24000	as the bequeathed myths of the field.  Each  generation  attempts  to
24100	formulate new explanatory theories by discovering new phenomena or by
24200	modifying predecessor theories.  The old theories are  unsatisfactory
24300	or  only  partially  satisfactory  because  they are found to contain
24400	anomalies or contradictions which must be removed. Sometimes previous
24500	theories   are  viewed  as  lacking  evidential  support  by  current
24600	standards. Theories are  mainly  superseded  rather  than  disproved.
24700	The  new  versions  try  to  remove  the  contradictions and increase
24800	comprehensiveness by explaining more phenomena.
24900		Theories  have  many  functions.   They  can be summarized as
25000	follows ( Bunge, 1967) .
25100		(1)To systematize knowledge.
25200		(2)To explain facts by showing how they are the entailed
25300			consequences of the systematizing hypotheses.
25400		(3)To increase knowledge by deriving new facts.
25500		(4)To enhance the testability of hypotheses by connecting
25600			them to observations.
25700		(5)To guide research by:
25800			(a) posing fruitful problems
25900			(b) suggesting new data to gather
26000			(c) opening new lines of investigation
26100		(6)To map a portion of reality. 
26200		It is excessive to demand that a single theory to fulfill all
26300	these functions.  In undeveloped fields in  pre-consensus  states  we
26400	should  be happy in achieving even one of them.    Models, as well as
26500	theories, can be assigned these functions when they  are  theoretical
26600	in  type.  Our model was constructed primarily to serve functions (2)
26700	and (4), testable explanation.
26800		Again,  theories offered as scientific explanations should be
26900	(a) systematic	(i.e.        coherent   and   consistent)   and   (b)
27000	empirically  testable.   Prior  psychological  formulations about the
27100	paranoid mode did not meet these criteria  and  thus  are  deservedly
27200	bygone  notions.    For example, to account for paranoid processes by
27300	hypothesizing imbalance of intellect and  affect  is  so  global  and
27400	untestable  a  formulation  as  not  to  merit theory status. To gain
27500	consensus, we need an explanation of the  right  type,  a  postulated
27600	structure  of symbol-manipulating processes, strategies, functions or
27700	procedures which is capable of producing the observable  regularities
27800	of the paranoid mode.
27900		In psychiatry it is still useful to view  some  things  which
28000	happen  to  a man in causal mechanical terms. But a man is not only a
28100	passive recipient, subject to Newtons's laws, he is  also  an  active
28200	agent,  a  language  user  who  thereby  can monitor himself, control
28300	himself, direct himself, and emancipate himself while  commenting  on
28400	and criticizing these performances.  Modern psychiatric theory should
28500	take into  account  the  view  that  man  is  an  agent  as  well  as
28600	recipient.It  must  also  come to grips with those enigmatic cases in
28700	which what causally happens to a man can  be  a  consequence  of  his
28800	unrecognized reasons.
28900		Let us consider some explanations for the  paranoid  mode  in
29000	psychological  terms  beginning  with Freud in the late 19th century.
29100	(Historians can certainly find concepts of  intentions,  affects  and
29200	beliefs  as  far  back  as  Aristotle, who seldom quoted his sources.
29300	"Its all been said before but you have to say it again because nobody
29400	listens"(Gide)).   To  explain persecutory paranoia, Freud postulated
29500	defense mechanisms of repression and  projection  (Freud,  1896).  He
29600	assumed  the  believed  persecution of the self by others represented
29700	intolerable ( and hence repressed and projected) self-reproaches  for
29800	childhood   sexual   experiences.  Today  hardly  anyone  finds  this
29900	explanation entirely acceptable.  While it has  withered  over  time,
30000	the concepts of defense and projection have weathered.
30100		Sometime  during  their  relationship   (1897-1902),   Fliess
30200	proposed  to  Freud  that  paranoia arose from unconscious homosexual
30300	conflict (Jones,1955).  For years Freud omitted this  notion  in  his
30400	discussions  of  paranoia. Then in 1911, in his notes on the Schreber
30500	case,  he  elaborated  on  the  Fliess  formulation   in   terms   of
30600	transformations  being  applied  to  the basic proposition `I (a man)
30700	love him.' He postulated this proposition to be so intolerable as not
30800	to   be   admitted   to  consciousness  and  therefore  subjected  to
30900	unconscious transformations, first into `I do not love  him,  I  hate
31000	him'  which  in  turn  was  transformed into the conscious belief `He
31100	hates me' with the accompanying conclusion `Therefore I am  justified
31200	in  hating  him'.(Freud,1911).  Great difficulty has been encountered
31300	in testing  the  theory  since  there  is  no  agreed-on  method  for
31400	detecting  the  presence  of  unconscious homosexual conflict.    The
31500	explanation is also inconsistent with  another  psychoanalytic  tenet
31600	that  everyone  harbors  unconscious  homosexual  conflicts.  But not
31700	everyone becomes paranoid.  To reconcile the inconsistency one  would
31800	have  to postulate some additional, possibly quantitative factors, to
31900	explain the intensity and extent of  the  paranoid  mode  in  certain
32000	people.  A  further difficulty with the formulation has been the fact
32100	that overtly homosexual people can be  paranoid,  requiring  in  such
32200	cases a postulate of some other type of underlying conflict.
32300		Because of inconsistencies and  difficulty  in  testing,  the
32400	homosexual-conflict  explanation has not achieved consensus.   But as
32500	will be discussed, it may represent a special case in a more  general
32600	theory which postulates humiliation to have a central function in the
32700	paranoid mode. Freud's later attempts at the explanation of  paranoia
32800	assumed  simply  that  love  was transformed into hate. (Freud,1923).
32900	This notion is too vague and incomplete an articulation to qualify as
33000	an   acceptable  scientific  explanation.  Contemporary  requirements
33100	demand a more complex and precisely defined organization of functions
33200	to account for such a transformation.
33300		Likewise Cameron's explanation of  paranoia  as  representing
33400	"projected  hostilty"  (Cameron,1967)  represents  a single, isolated
33500	hypothesis.  An isolated tendency  statement  says  little.  What  is
33600	needed  is  a  system  of tendency statements sufficiently complex to
33700	account for a variety of paranoid phenomena.
33800		Tomkins     (Tomkins,1963)     offered      an      arresting
33900	information-processing  theory of the paranoid posture articulated in
34000	terms    of    defensive     strategies,     transformations     ,and
34100	maximizing-minimizing principles. He viewed the paranoid `posture' or
34200	mode as an attempt to cope  with  humiliation.  He  proposed  that  a
34300	person  whose  information  processing is monopolized by the paranoid
34400	mode is in a permanent state of vigilance, in order to  maximize  the
34500	detection of insult and to minimize humiliation.
34600		Regarding the paranoid, Tomkins stated:
34700	.V
34800		"The major source of distortion in his interpretation is
34900		 in his insistence on processing all information as though 
35000		 it were relevant only to the possibility of humiliation."
35100	.END
35200		Swanson, Bohnert and Smith  (1970),  in  their  monograph  on
35300	paranoia,  proposed  how  a `homeostatic' individual might attempt to
35400	deal with `bewildering  perceptions'.       They  postulated  that  a
35500	person  in  homeostatic  equilibrium  perceives a pronounced inner or
35600	outer change which is inexplicable or unacceptable.    The  resultant
35700	disequilibrium   is   so   bewildering   that  in  order  to  restore
35800	equilibrium, the  person  constructs  a  paranoid  explanation  which
35900	attributes  the  cause  of  the change, not to an internal, but to an
36000	external  source.   With  the  cause  of  the  change  identified   ,
36100	bewilderment is abolished and uncertainty reduced.
36200		Aspects  of  this   formulation   suggest   symbol-processing
36300	strategies  typical of cases of paranoid thinking associated with the
36400	experienced  changes  resulting  from  of  organic  brain  damage  or
36500	amphetamine psychosis. These are conditions which mechanically happen
36600	to a man.  In paranoid states, reactions or  personalities  where  no
36700	pronounced  physical  change  can  be  identified ,the formulation is
36800	insufficient and must be filled out with more  complex  and  specific
36900	processes.
37000		In sum, the rival theories of paranoia here reviewed have not
37100	gained  widespread  acceptance  because  of  various  weaknesses  and
37200	limitations. Currently there exists no reigning theory  of  paranoia.
37300	In  such  a  pre-consensus  state,  the  field is open for contending
37400	theories. Previous theories have contributed useful  hypotheses.    I
37500	have  incorporated  some of them (e.g.  Tomkin's hypothesis regarding
37600	humiliation) in  an  attempt  to  explain  paranoid  phenomena  in  a
37700	different  way,  using  an  interactive  simulation  model.   I shall
37800	attempt  to  to  explain  sequences  of  paranoid  symbolic  behavior
37900	(conversational   interactions)   by  describing  in  some  detail  a
38000	simulation of  paranoid  interview  behavior  ,  having  in  mind  an
38100	audience  of  clinicians,  behavioral  scientists  and  colleagues in
38200	fields of computer science, artificial intelligence, and  philosophy.
38300	The  simulation model proposed (Colby, Weber and Hilf,1971) stands as
38400	a putative explanation having the  merits  of  being  more  explicit,
38500	systematic,  consistent  and  testable  than  the  theories described
38600	above.      The model combines hypotheses  of  previous  formulations
38700	with  additional  hypotheses and assumptions of my own, in an attempt
38800	to present a coherent, unified explanation.  Let  us  first  consider
38900	some aspects of the nature of explanation.